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The Progressive Economics Forum

Ontario Budget Advice

Last Monday, I testified twice to the Ontario legislature’s finance committee: as an “expert witness” and then on behalf of the United Steelworkers.

I emphasized the provincial deficit’s manageability, the folly of trying to reduce it through cutbacks or privatization, the importance of maintaining tax rates to bolster future revenues, and the advantage of targeted measures to create jobs rather than across-the-board tax cuts.

The transcripts are now available online. Lightly edited versions of both presentations follow.

First Presentation

I will focus on the question of the provincial deficit. Specifically, this presentation will:

- Examine the significance of projected deficits.

- Comment on some things that the provincial government should not do in response to the deficit.

- Suggest some things that the government should do with respect to the deficit.

I encourage members of this committee to step back from the hysteria surrounding the provincial deficit and recognize that Ontario has experienced major recessions and large budget deficits before. The history has been that, within a few years, the economy returned to its long-term trend of growing at about 2% annually above inflation and the provincial budget returned to balance.

The current recession is significantly worse than previous recessions, but current deficits are less worrying than previous deficits because interest rates are far lower. The recessions of the early 1980s and early 1990s were largely caused by high interest rates, which meant the deficits incurred during those periods greatly increased future debt-servicing costs. Conversely, interest rates are now at rock-bottom levels and will remain relatively low for some time, so today’s deficits can be financed relatively cheaply.

The government’s fall economic statement projects that between 2008-09, the last fiscal year, and 2010-11, the next fiscal year, the provincial debt will rise by 40%. However, it projects that over this same period, debt-servicing costs will increase by 23%. In other words, borrowing will increase interest costs by little more than half as much as the overall debt.

Read more »

About that Copenhagen award

Back in December, during the Copenhagen negotiations, a group of environmentalists provided BC Premier Gordon Campbell with an award for climate leadership. Based primarily on the creation of a BC carbon tax two years ago, the Premier has gotten a lot of brownie points from the greens – in spite of the fact that there are some glaring contradictions between BC’s transportation and industrial policies and climate policies, and that BC does not have a plan to achieve its legislated target of a 33% reduction in emissions by 2020 (relative to 2007 levels).

Those contradictions were highlighted by the approval the other day of a new EnCana natural gas facility in BC’s Northeast that will add over 2 million tonnes of CO2 per year to BC’s inventory when fully built out. From the Tyee’s coverage:

The province’s effort to curb greenhouse gas emissions is on course to suffer a 2.17 megatonne-per-year setback, after an environmental assessment (EA) certificate was approved for the $800-million Cabin Gas Plant last Thursday (Jan. 28). The green light to the EnCana-led project signals the onset of a shale gas boom in the million-acre Horn River Basin north of Fort Nelson.

… The carbon dioxide implications get larger when considering the end uses of the gas. The initial volumes of gas produced daily at the plant would add up to 7.9 million tonnes of emissions each year when combusted. At full production, that downstream emissions rise to nearly 16 million tonnes — nearly 25 per cent of B.C. emissions, based on a 2007 baseline. Much of the gas will be exported to the United States.

Campbell’s retort is that natural gas is “actually a bridging technology that allows us to move to the new cleaner energies.” There is something to this arguement, and it might even be true if we were able to guarantee that coal-fired power would be shut down in place of natural gas generated power. But no such guarantees are evident in this deal. All emissions will be additional to current emissions.

And not only that, the much-lauded carbon tax does not even apply to most of the emissions from oil and gas development, as it does not cover the flaring and venting of gas, or pipeline leaks.

This further goes to show that there is no political will in Canada to say no to the oil and gas industry. At some point we will have to confront the, er, inconvenient truth that the only bona fide sustainable path forward is to not get our energy out of the ground, or if we do to mandate that the emissions must be buried (sequestered) after combustion. That is, we need a moratorium on new oil and gas projects unless they implement carbon capture and storage (CCS).

So the question for my friends in the environmental movement: is now a good time to revoke that award to Premier Campbell, and replace it with one of the more notorious Copenhagen awards, the Fossil of the Day?

Part-Time Recovery

In January, Canada gained 43,000 jobs, almost all of them part-time. Any employment increase is certainly good news and some part-time positions might eventually become full-time positions.

The obvious limitation of part-time jobs is that they provide fewer hours of paid work and hence less income. Statistics Canada’s R-8 unemployment rate, which includes discouraged workers and a portion of those part-timers who would prefer full-time work, rose to 12.3% in January.

In addition to providing fewer hours, part-time jobs typically pay less per hour. The wage figures from today’s Labour Force Survey indicate an average hourly rate of only $15.71 for part-time jobs, compared to $24.18 for full-time jobs.

Over the past year, wages rose by just 1.4% among part-time workers versus 2.1% among full-time workers. Part-timers are also far less likely to receive non-wage benefits, such as dental or pension plans.

Other Notes

Employment declined in goods-producing industries, but increased more in the service sector. Perhaps reflecting this decline in predominantly male industries, employment fell among men over age 24. All of January’s net job gains were among youth and adult women.

UPDATE (February 6): Quoted in The Hamilton Spectator

CFIB on Ontario’s Budget: A Reality Check

Ontario’s pre-budget consultations include a session for which each party caucus selects an “expert witness.” This year, the Liberals invited Warren Jestin from Scotiabank, the Conservatives invited Catherine Swift from the Canadian Federation of Independent Business (CFIB) and the NDP invited me.

In general, my role was not to engage with the other witnesses. The Conservatives asked me about CFIB’s proposal to restrict public-sector pensions so as to remove the discrepancy between public-sector and private-sector workers. As The Toronto Star reported, I argued that a better solution would be extending pension coverage to more private-sector workers.

However, some other elements of CFIB’s presentation also cry out for a rebuttal. Although the official transcripts are not yet online, The Globe and Mail has posted an unofficial transcript that corresponds with my memory of what was said.

The presentation began with an oft-repeated claim:

. . . during our recent recession we actually saw employment in the small and medium-sized business community stable or increasing. . . . What you see with small and medium-sized businesses is they’re an amazingly stable part of our economy. So policies that help them tend to help with job creation and stability overall. Virtually all of the job reductions that happened over the recession came from large corporations.

As I have noted previously, the data does not support this claim. Statistics Canada provides figures on provincial employment by enterprise size. We can compare the third quarter of 2008, the last period before the economic crisis hit the labour market, with the third quarter of 2009, the most recent period for which data is available.

In Ontario, employers with more than 500 workers reduced their combined payrolls by 85,277, a 3.2% cut. Meanwhile, employers with fewer than 500 workers reduced their payrolls by 120,905, a 4.1% cut. Taken together, small and medium-sized businesses have hardly been a “stable or increasing” source of jobs.

CFIB lukewarmly endorsed the Harmonized Sales Tax, which entails a multi-billion-dollar tax break for business, but advocated cutting the rate by 1%. As is customary with proposed tax cuts, the fiscal cost was not discussed.

The Ministry of Finance projects that the 8% provincial portion of the Harmonized Sales Tax will generate more than $20 billion annually. So, cutting it by 1% would cost at least $2.5 billion per year in lost revenue.

Despite proposing to increase the annual deficit by this amount, CFIB also raised alarm about the provincial debt. However, as the NDP finance critic pointed out through some rather effective questioning, Ontario’s provincial debt has increased little more than population and inflation.

Mr. Michael Prue: Yes, a few questions here, just on some of your charts. On page 11, “Provincial Debt per Capita,” you show it going from $10,000 in 1997, or approximately that, to $13,013 today. Was inflation taken into account in this?

Ms. Catherine Swift: I’m not sure.

Read more »

More on the Financial Transactions Tax

I highly recommend a very convincing argument for the FTT by Stephan Schulmeister of  the Austrian Institute for Economic Research. His paper   effectively counters the “rational markets” view that high volumes of speculative trading move stock, currency and commodity prices towards equilibrium values based on fundamentals. Instead, such trading moves prices away from fundamentals for extended periods, with significant result damage to the real economy.  An FTT would dampen speculation while raising useful amounts of revenue, even if levied at a very low rate.

http://www.wifo.at/wwa/jsp/index.jsp?fid=23923&typeid=8&id=37001&display_mode=2&language=2

The abstract follows:

The idea of introducing a general financial transaction tax (FTT) has recently attracted rising attention. There are three reasons for this interest: First, the economic crisis was deepened by the instability of stock prices, exchange rates and commodity prices. This instability might be dampened by such a tax. Second, as a consequence of the crisis, the need for fiscal consolidation has tremendously increased. A FTT would provide governments with substantial revenues. Third, the dampening effects of a FTT on the real economy would be much smaller as compared to other tax measures like increasing the VAT. The paper summarises at first the six main arguments in favour and against a FTT. It provides then empirical evidence about the movements of the most important asset prices. These observations suggest that a small FTT (between 0.1 and 0.01 percent) would mitigate price volatility not only over the short run but also over the long run. At the same time, a FTT would yield substantial revenues. For Europe, revenues would amount to 1.6 percent of GDP at a tax rate of 0.05 percent (transaction volume is assumed to decline by roughly 65 percent at this rate). In the UK, tax receipts would be highest. Even if only transactions on exchanges are taxed in a first step (at a rate of 0.05 percent), a FTT would yield 3.6 percent of GDP in the UK. In Germany, FTT receipts would amount to 0.9 percent of GDP in this case. If a FTT is introduced in the UK and in Germany at the same time, neither country needs to fear a significant “emigration” of trading. This can be presumed because roughly 97 percent of all transactions on exchanges in the EU are carried out in these two countries.

No Recovery for the Unemployed

The survey of private sector economists released by the Department of Finance today offers up a pretty bleak forecast that the national unemployment rate will average 8.5% in 2010, up a bit from the 8.3%  average in 2009 and up a bit from 8.4%  last month (December, 2009) .  http://www.fin.gc.ca/n10/data/2010-08_1e.pdf

That forecast strikes me as pretty much bang on or even optimistic if you accept the average forecast of  2.6% real economic growth in 2010. To eat into unemployment, the economy must grow by at least that much given that (1) the working age population is growing by a bit over 1% per year; (2) trend labour productivity growth is at least 1% per year, and may well move higher given recent stagnation of productivity as output fell  faster than employment and (3) the fact that the labour force participation rate is likely to increase at any sign of recovery (it has fallen by by 0.7 percentage points since the recession began in October, 2008.)

So, no recovery for the unemployed. I await banner headlines, and  demands from all sides that the upcoming federal and provincial Budgets focus on jobs, as called for by the CLC in a letter to federal and provincial leaders. http://www.canadianlabour.ca/national/news/dont-cut-back-stimulus-spending

Financial Transactions Tax

Oxfam are seeking endorsements of this letter by professional economists. If you want to sign on, please notify

Sophie Freeman: SFreeman@Oxfam.org.uk

Dear G20

As economists from across the world, we call on you to implement a financial transaction tax (FTT).

This tax is an idea that has come of age. The financial crisis has shown us the dangers of unregulated finance, and the link between the financial sector and society has been broken. It is time to fix this link and for the financial sector to give something back to society.

Even at very low rates of 0.05% or less, this tax could raise hundreds of billions of dollars annually and calm excessive speculation. The UK already levies a tax on share transactions of 0.5%, or ten times this rate, without unduly impacting on the competitiveness of the City of London.

This money is urgently needed. The crises of poverty and of climate change require an historic transfer of billions of dollars from the rich world to the poor world, and this tax would offer a clear way to help fund this. Given the automation of payments, this tax is technically feasible. It is morally right. We call on you to implement it as a matter of urgency.

HST and Manufacturing

Advocates of the Harmonized Sales Tax often suggest that it will support Ontario’s beleaguered manufacturing sector. They emphasize that the current Provincial Sales Tax applies not only to finished products purchased by consumers, but also to some inputs purchased by businesses. As one business sells components to another, sales tax could be paid repeatedly along the supply chain.

This “cascading” tax allegedly weighs heavily on manufacturing, where multiple stages of production are frequently divided between different firms. The implication is that the Harmonized Sales Tax’s input tax credits for business will be a particular boon to manufacturers.

I have always been sceptical of this claim because the existing sales tax already exempts almost all of the machinery and equipment used in manufacturing. Ontario’s Tax Plan for Jobs and Growth, a fascinating (if obnoxiously titled) document released by the provincial government late last year, confirms my scepticism.

Table 2 indicates that, when fully implemented, the input tax credits will give $4.5 billion per year to businesses. Manufacturers will receive $510 million, 11% of the total.

By comparison, the most recent Statistics Canada figures indicate that manufacturing accounted for 17% of Ontario’s Gross Domestic Product in 2008. So, the Harmonized Sales Tax will provide disproportionately little benefit to manufacturing.

Construction companies will collect most of the input tax credits: $2.3 billion out of $4.5 billion. Building materials are indeed the main business input currently subject to Provincial Sales Tax.

Construction is an important part of the economy and has been hit by the recession. However, focussing tax breaks on construction companies is a strange approach to competitiveness.

By its very nature, construction is a locally-oriented business sheltered from external competition. Construction must occur where the building will be located. It is not feasible to construct buildings in other jurisdictions and import them to Ontario. Construction activity depends on the demand for buildings in the province, rather than on whether Provincial Sales Tax applies to construction materials.

Beyond Stimulus: Fiscal Policy after the Great Recession

The Global Labour University are publishing Global Labour Columns on the general theme of how labour should be responding to the crisis.  The most recent is by yours truly,  re working some pieces previously posted to this blog.

The other columns posted are well worth a look.

http://column.global-labour-university.org/

GDP: The Road to Recovery?

Today’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) release paints a significantly improved picture of the Canadian economy. GDP rose by 0.4% in November.

Statistics Canada also revised upward its previously released figures. GDP grew by 0.3% instead of 0.2% in October and 0.5% instead of 0.4% in September. While these figures are encouraging, they imply a slower annual growth rate than the 5.7% reported today by the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis for the fourth quarter.

Amount of Growth

Real GDP (in chained 2002 dollars) fell from a peak of $1,241 billion in July 2008 to a low of $1,185 billion in May 2009. Today’s figure is $1,201 billion for November 2009.

Canada’s economy fell into a deep hole and has climbed more than a quarter of the way out. After rising by $5 billion in November, annualized output is $16 billion above the bottom but still $40 billion below the top. If real GDP continued to expand by $5 billion per month, Canada would return to pre-crisis output in the third quarter of this year.

However, a return to pre-crisis output does not necessarily imply a return to pre-crisis unemployment. Given any productivity improvement, businesses will be able to produce the same amount of output with fewer workers.

Even a return to the same level of employment would not provide enough jobs to keep up with the continued growth of Canada’s population and potential workforce throughout the crisis. Job creation, as opposed to cutbacks, should be the focus of upcoming federal and provincial budgets.

Type of Growth

November’s growth was driven by natural-resource extraction and wholesale trade. The latter can be a barometer for the wider economy because it links production to retail and export markets.

One hopes that the rebound in wholesale trade presages a coming rebound in production. However, manufacturing output was completely flat in November.

November’s growth was uneven between industries. However, it looks more sustainable than October’s growth, which had been concentrated in utilities and real estate.

How Markets Fail

If you want to be reminded of the myriad of ways in which markets fail, you will welcome the new and timely book by John Cassidy titled simply How Markets Fail. Cassidy is not only an economist but a rare one who can write.

Indeed, he writes so well that he is a regular contributor to the writerly The New Yorker, with a delightful piece, at least for progressive economists, in the January 11 issue of this year (since his book was published) on the trials and tribulations of the Chicago School in the aftermath of the financial crisis that was not supposed to happen. Interestingly, Robert Lucas of rational-expectations fame - who, says Cassidy, defines rationality “as having a mathematically correct model of the entire economy in your head and acting upon it” - simply refused to give an interview to Cassidy. If Lucas is made mute by the crisis, the world is already a better place.

If there is a single phrase that seems to encapsulate the failure of the efficient market crowd, it may be “the herding instinct.” Each free marketeer may imagine that he or she is behaving rationally but the behaviour of the herd, which is overriding, is a different matter.

It is said that you can’t herd cats, but how about bulls and bears? The illusion in financial markets is one of rationality, but the reality is frenzy and mayhem and episodic crises. To the well known Madness of Crowds, let us add the Hubris of Herds.

There have always been those economists who knew that. They were just ignored by the profession, itself being powerfully subject to the herding instinct with its practice of odd person out. The hero of Cassidy’s story is Hyman Minsky who never gave up insisting that what the great Keynes taught us, if we would but pay heed, was that instability lay at the core of capitalism because of irreducible uncertainty about the future, and that financial regulation was a necessary even if necessarily insufficient policy.

But Minsky taught for most of his academic life at Washington University in St. Louis, at the outer margins of the conventional wisdom, and never got a Nobel Prize in Economic Science - that word “science” should have been the giveaway; there is slight hope for our profession until the Swedes remove it and reward simply Economics - while more than half a dozen went to the Chicago Boys.

Who else got it right according to Cassidy? Well, would you believe, the Marxist economists around The Monthly Review, notably Paul Sweezy who insisted throughout the decades after World War II that the financial sector had taken over the world and a price would have to be paid.

“The worldwide slump demonstrated,” writes Cassidy of the present calamity, “that Minsky and Sweezy had been right when they said the fortunes of the economy at large couldn’t be divorced  from what happened on Wall Street.” Would that they had survived to witness their vindication.

Perhaps predictably for an American writer, the greatest of the culprits are Greenspan - “more than any other individual, the former Fed chairman was responsible for letting the hogs run wild” - and those at the Fed and beyond who paid fealty to him. That includes Ben Bernanke - whose inability to see a housing bubble  and the subprime bust as late as October 2007 Cassidy calls “a failure of imagination” - and, it seems to this writer, it is a sign of Obama’s want of economic populism, and his consequent political weakness of Main Street, that he insisted on fighting for his reappointment.

And, difficult though it still is for me to admit, what American economists (plus Sir John Hicks in the U.K.) did to Keynes is, as Cassidy argues, very much part of the problem. I studied at MIT in the 1950s when it was arguably the greatest economics department in the world and the prime place where Keynesianism was bastardized (in Joan Robinson’s telling phrase), the better to marry microeconomics and macroeconomics in the Neo-Classical Synthesis popularized by my mentor Samuelson with its magical fine tuning of capitalist economies. It was all too good to be true and its false promises created the opening for monetarism and all the other sins that were even worse in theory and in practice than a juiceless, stable, self-sustaining Keynesianism.

Cassidy is encyclopedic in listing all the other market failures: carbon emissions that cause global warming and extremetries of climate; monopoly power; obscene CEO pay; Galbraith’s “private affluence, public squalor”; R&D; etc., etc. But his main story is the financial crisis and the inability of money markets to self-regulate, for there’s no market failure that quite catches the eye like systemic bank failures and a burgeoning economic crisis.

So what is to be done? Cassidy is right to see a ray of hope in the new behavioral economics that rejects the simplistic logic of rational behaviour that has ruled our lives too long. If it will cause economics to abandon the utopianism that has gripped it in the last half century plus, and to admit that markets must be regulated, it will be a move forward. To expect more from our mainstream colleagues at this moment is probably unrealistic.

Meantime, let us all (re-)read The General Theory (I didn’t as a graduate student at the world headquarters of Keynesianism), and read Minsky and The Monthly Review, and thank Cassidy for his swabbing of the imperial decks. And wake me up if anything novel and exciting is happening in the mainstream Canadian profession.

(While the views expressed here are my own, I am grateful to John Hutcheson for urging me to read How Mar kets Fail, and for giving me a xerox of an excerpt from Minsky’s 1975 book John Maynard Keynes that he use in a course he teaches at York University.)

Exhausting EI, Again

The content in the EI report by myself and Sylvain Schetagne which was released by the CCPA yesterday won’t be new to readers of this blog - an updating of trends in unemployment and EI use to show that tens of thousands of workers who lost their jobs early in the Great Recession are and will soon be exhausting benefits due to stubbornly high unemployment.

http://www.policyalternatives.ca/newsroom/updates/ei-isnt-working-canadas-unemployed

I can’t complain about lack of media coverage of this report, which got some welcome pick-up, though I do think there is usually massive media indifference to the plight of the unemployed victims of the Great Recession. Continuing unemployment of over 8% well into 2011 seems to have become the acceptable new normal, without thought being given to the human consequences.

There are a lot of personal stories posted among the many comments on our study on the CBC web site - and enough push back from those who think the unemployed are to be blamed for their own fate to tell us why EI usually falls well down the political agenda.

http://www.cbc.ca/money/story/2010/01/25/ei-benefits-running-out.html

BC’s Urban Housing (Un)affordability

A new study published today by the Frontier Institute for Public Policy finds that Vancouver has the most unaffordable urban housing market not just in Canada, but in all of Australia, Ireland, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States.

This conclusion is based on a very simple, yet effective measure of housing affordability: the ratio of median housing prices to the median household income in each municipality (housing market). This price-to-income ratio measures how many years the median family (the one in the middle of the income distribution, where half of all families earn more and half earn less) would need to work to earn as much as the median house costs. Typically, a housing market is considered affordable if 3 (or fewer) years of household income is sufficient to purchase a home in the area.

In Vancouver, however, the median housing price - $540,900 - is equivalent to 9 years and 4 months of the median household income of $58,200 (both are measured in the third quarter of 2009). Wow, just wow.

The rest of BC’s urban areas aren’t doing much better: 4 of the 5 least affordable housing markets in Canada were in BC. In order of lowest affordability, these are Vancouver, Victoria, Abbotsford and Kelowna. The next least affordable housing in Canada is in Toronto.

If you’re curious, the 5 affordable urban housing markets in Canada are Thunder Bay, Windsor, Moncton, Saguenay and Saint John, NB.

What can we do about the rising unaffordability of housing in BC?

First off, we need our policy-makers to recognize that housing affordability is a serious problem and begin to monitor it regularly so they can measure their progress in addressing it (targets and timelines, anyone?). Here’s where I agree with the assessment of the folks at the FIPP that in Canada

housing affordability has received little or no political attention, even in the bubble markets where booms escalated housing prices to unprecedented heights.

It’s time for this to change.

What kind of policy reforms should we be looking at? The folks at the Frontier Institute for Public Policy recommend a market approach of relaxing zoning regulations and getting rid of agricultural land reserves, which they argue will reduce the price of land and thus the price of housing. Increase supply to lower prices - a standard textbook economics solution, but in this case it’s not going to work.

No matter how far you take it, eventually there are hard limits to low-density sprawl. We’ve got only so much land to fill with single family homes before we run out. Paving over agricultural land may postpone the problem for a few more years, but it’s not a long term solution. Moreover, as we prepare to face climate change and peak oil, encouraging urban sprawl may well do more harm than good. And if our world is about to get a lot smaller, paving over agricultural land would soon prove to be short-sighted.

It seems to me that we’ve left the invisible hand work its magic in the housing market long enough by now to know what it is good and bad at. It does an excellent job of providing luxurious condos with ocean views to the highest bidder (and we don’t lack millionaires in BC), but it fails miserably at providing affordable housing to the hundreds of working families. And I’m not just talking about the poor or near poor here - whose situation is dire - but about families with two earners with decent middle class jobs who are finding it more and more difficult to afford a home in the city. It’s time for governments at all levels to intervene in the market and ensure that a share of the new homes build are priced so that they are affordable for middle income families.

And since affordability is not just about housing prices, but about household incomes as well, I’d like to see some action on the income front. A couple of decades of making our labour market more “flexible” have resulted in stagnating earnings at the middle, and falling real (inflation-adjusted) earnings for families in the lower end of the income ladder. We need to address the rising income inequality and increase the economic security of the poor and modest income households. This can be done both through strengthening labour law and through re-distribution via the tax system.

A Better Pensions Report

STEERING COMMITTEE OF PROVINCIAL/TERRITORIAL MINISTERS
ON PENSION COVERAGE AND RETIREMENT INCOME ADEQUACY
OPTIONS FOR INCREASING PENSION COVERAGE AMONG
PRIVATE SECTOR WORKERS IN CANADA
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

This paper released by BC Finance Minister Colin Hansen for the provincial/territorial ministers indicates much more fundamental problems with our pension system than those identified in the Mintz Report and gives serious consideration to the option of CPP expansion

http://www.fin.gov.bc.ca/pension_plan_options_paper.pdf

Now for some disaster relief on the homefront

I’ve been very pleasantly surprised at the public response to the tragic earthquake in Haiti. I’ve seen donations being collected through school bake sales, at the liquor store, and on Hockey Night in Canada, among the usual channels for such stuff. It’s nice to know that, collectively, we care, in spite of the neglect of Haiti by our elected governments for some time.

But having said that, my home province of BC and Canada as a whole have become a lot meaner in recent years. Sure, the good life is still attainable if you have a good job and bought real estate before prices took off, whether due to that good job or through an early inheritance from the folks (itself a growing source in inequality as the boomers hit retirement). But as the song (and a CCPA report) goes, it’s a bad time to be poor.

As we show our Olympic pride at having a crew of multi-million-dollar-a-year hockey players come to Vancouver to play for the home team, let it be known that BC has the lowest minimum wage in Canada at $8, and that has not changed since 2001. In case you were wondering, for a minimum wage earner to pull in what Sidney Crosby earns in just one year, they would have to work 40 hours a week for 541 years (and I’m not even counting Crosby’s signing bonus and endorsement contracts).

You know the rest of the story: social assistance rates that are preposterously low and a system that is punitive; a lack of supports for child care; the end of new social housing construction; an over-crowded public transit system; cutbacks at schools and libraries; and so on.

In my work on climate action, it seems inevitable that the price of food, transportation and energy are going up if we are to be successful at reducing emissions. How we go about designing climate actions matters a lot, and this is the focus of my recent work. But most of the affluent people who go to policy meetings are not thinking about how higher prices affect low income people. Across all of these areas, the problem low income people face is, well, their low income, even though they have done the least to contribute to the climate crisis.

So in the absence of “first-best” solutions like raising the earning power of low income workers and setting a floor (basic or guaranteed) income for all, we are left with “second-best” solutions that try to fix regressive impacts on an issue by issue basis. A credit here, a subsidy there and an ugly patchwork everywhere. Which is already a huge problem: after about $20-25,000 per year low-income credits and subsidies phase out for the low-but-not-lowest-income workers, meaning they face marginal tax rates of 60-70% on new income earned. With the carbon tax and now the HST, the same dynamic has been exacerbated with low-income credits that phase out early and quickly.

Still, I think that a more coherent credit system could be the basis for a guaranteed income, but it would have to be designed more like the credits we give to the middle-class, like Old Age Security and the Canada Child Tax Benefit, which have a long tail phase out so that a very high proportion of families get something. A lot of economists agree on this type of redistribution. But they generally think only about redistributing after the fact. I also want to see the labour market do more of the heavy lifting, as it gives workers and taxpayers the sense that they have earned that income, and this makes for better social inclusion and better political sustainability. Doing that means expanding the scope and quality of public services, raising minimum wages and, perhaps more importantly, vastly expanding the unionization of the low-wage service sector.

So Canada, let’s take that generous spirit we discovered when Haiti got trampled by an earthquake and put it to work at home. A campaign of charitable giving is of course helpful and there are lots of great organizations doing the work that governments ought to be doing. But let’s also focus on electing governments that are going to make eradicating poverty a top priority, something no political party (including the NDP) has endorsed.

Bill Robson and the Future of Capitalism

On the eve of the Whitehorse meeting of Finance Ministers in December, the Howe released a report co-authored by Bill Robson which charged that the federal government’s pension plan liabilities on behalf of its own employees are greatly under-stated - to the tune of $58 billion. This sum  should, he argued, be added to the federal public debt.

http://www.cdhowe.org/pdf/backgrounder_122.pdf

As was, no doubt, intended, this intervention set off alarm bells about taxpayers being on the hook for supposedly over generous pension plans for public sector workers, and distracted attention from how to fix the major problems in the private part of our pension system.

It turns out that the main difference between Robson and federal government actuaries and accountants is the assumption about future real rates of return on invested assets. The current assumption is a 4.2% real rate of return (identical to the assumption of the Canada Pension Plan and many private sector plans), while Robson says it should be the rate of return on inflation indexed long term government bonds, currently less than 2%.

Robson argues that “theory and evidence have discredited a widespread view that long-term investors can count on equity instruments yielding a sizeable premium over lower risk debt instruments.”

It is true that rates of return on investment have fallen in recent years and have, in combination with very low interest rates, caused funding problems for all kinds of pension plans. Some actuaries have, as a result,  become a rather gloomy lot.

Still, it is somewhat surprising that Bill Robson, who can I think be fairly described as a fan of free market capitalism,  would endorse the view that we live in a world where rates of return on private capital will be nothing short of dismal for the foreseeable future. If he is is right, we surely face much bigger problems than unfunded pension liabilities.

EI: Fewer Recipients, More Claims

The number of Canadians receiving regular Employment Insurance (EI) benefits declined by 7,300 in November. As always, we do not know whether these workers found jobs or simply ran out of benefits. The Labour Force Survey indicated higher employment and slightly lower unemployment that month, which supports a positive interpretation.

Following these declines in recipients and in unemployment, the proportion of officially unemployed workers receiving benefits was 50.6%. The EI program is still allowing about half of unemployed Canadians to fall through the cracks.

Also troubling in today’s report was that 1,300 more EI claims were filed in November than had been in October. For several months, falling claims appeared to confirm a slowing pace of layoffs. One hopes that November’s rise in claims will turn out to have been an aberration.

Beneath the national figures, there were some striking regional differences. While the number of EI claims filed in Ontario jumped by 6,600, it dropped by 4,200 in Quebec. Alberta had 1,200 more EI recipients and 1,000 more claims filed. These figures are not indicative of a labour-market recovery in Ontario or Alberta.

Thinking about zero

I’m still coming out of my malaise following the Copenhagen climate conference in December. It’s easy to think that the stupid political brinksmanship is never going to end, and the focus of attention will shift to adaptive measures. But what is more likely is a few more Katrina scale disasters that will serve to spur rapid action, and we’ll then see some aggressive measures unfold over the course of a decade, rather than the take-it-slow gradual approach advocates of carbon taxes have proposed but that politicians are unwilling to engage.

Most of my research these days has been on the big topic of what aggressive change looks like: where we need to get to and what the justice issues are in the transition. This is the essence of our SSHRC-funded Climate Justice Project. We did some early research on greenhouse gas targets for 2050, and found that BC needed a 94% reduction to get to an emissions level that was sustainable and equitable globally.

But these days I’m loving the logic of zero. The City of Vancouver’s Greenest City Action Team made such a recommendation of zero fossil fuels by 2040, and so I’ve tried to adopt that as a goal for projects. One could certainly argue it is not aggressive enough, but it is definitely realistic. Most of the capital stock of society turns over within a 30-year time span, which means a lot of action could be addressed with minimal impact by setting strict marketplace standards. Beyond this are some major structural issues that have to do with housing, neigbourhoods and transportation, but with good planning this too seems do-able.

For example, in the UK all new homes built after 2016 must be zero carbon. This means, according to a Q&A in the Guardian:

Three words are key in the zero-carbon world: insulation, insulation and insulation. And maybe “airtightness” too. Most of Britain’s housing stock is what’s called “leaky” in the sense that buildings lose heat through badly insulated walls and roofs as well as through draughty windows. In zero-carbon homes all that changes – walls are heavily insulated, floors and roofs keep heat in, and triple-glazed draught-proofed windows stop warmth flooding out. … Many have heat exchangers in the loft through which the warm, stale air from in the house is expelled while fresh air from the outside is drawn in, picking up the heat on the way to avoid wasting it. This means the building can pretty much heat itself from the body warmth of its inhabitants, cutting heating bills virtually to zero. This is all in winter, of course. If the house feels too warm in the summer, you just open the window.

For vehicles, I’d suggest something like banning the sale of new vehicles with internal combustion engines by 2025 (with some targets for hybrids and electric vehicles along the way), and banning them from the road entirely by 2040. In the interim, urban planning will need to be supercharged to reduce the need for cars in the first place by developing more compact communities where it makes more sense to walk or bike for the vast majority of trips, but also a more aggressive deployment of public transit.

As in vehicles, eliminating fossil fuels means finding sources of clean electricity to power what we do, in particular the heavy industry that makes stuff we like. There are massive efficiency gains to be had from our existing suite of appliances and gadgets that can get us some breathing room, but new sources will be needed, from the small home/neighbourhood scale up to the regional/provincial. This is all do-able — what is standing in the way are the vested interests of the fossil fuel industries.

Then again, perhaps zero is not completely attainable. There will inevitably be need for back-up supplies and some transportation services (airplanes and ships) that need energy dense fuel. Technically, there is small bit of greenhouse gas emissions that can be absorbed by the Earth, which might give us some wiggle room, but there is also evidence that those sinks are getting clogged, and if scientists like James Hansen are right we need those sinks to reduce the absolute level of GHGs in the atmosphere.

The best hope for flying and shipping is biofuels, but they will be competing with food supplies and other potential uses of land, so real reductions in air travel and shipping seem inevitable (goodbye, one-week golfing trip to Mexico). That dynamic may well happen sooner rather than later due to escalating prices from peaking oil supplies. While a lot of the changes need for climate action need not affect our quality of life, and may in fact improve it, reductions in air travel and shipping may be the hardest ones to swallow.

Inflation: A Paper Tiger

The obvious headline from today’s Statistics Canada release is inflation rising to 1.3% in December, its highest level in almost a year. However, the Consumer Price Index actually decreased between November and December. The overall price level was down 0.3% in absolute terms and 0.1% on a seasonally-adjusted basis.

The annual inflation rate rose only due to a lower base of comparison. In other words, consumer prices had fallen even more between November and December of 2008. Going back a little further, the Consumer Price Index is still a full point below its pre-crisis peak (114.8 in December 2009 versus 115.8 in July 2008).

The Bank of Canada’s core inflation rate remained level at 1.5%, well short of the 2% target. Today’s data validates the central bank’s decision to keep interest rates at rock-bottom levels. The prospect of having to raise rates to quell inflation is far away.

On the contrary, the Bank of Canada should be contemplating monetary expansion to quell the Canadian dollar’s excessive rise. The loonie has recently run up above 96 US cents, the level envisioned by the last Monetary Policy Report.

The OECD’s most recent figures on purchasing power parity indicate that the Canadian dollar should be worth 86 US cents. That level would be far more conducive to a recovery of output and employment in Canada’s export industries.

UPDATE (January 21): Quoted by Bloomberg

The Debate Over a Financial Transactions Tax

The case for a Financial Transactions Tax or FTT has crept in from the margins remarkably quickly. One year ago, the proposal for an internationally co-ordinated “Tobin Tax” on foreign exchange transactions was a dim memory from the early part of the decade. Today, the idea of broadening such a tax to include a far wider range of transactions such as bonds and equities has been endorsed by the top UK financial regulator, Adair Turner; by the governments of Germany and France and many of their European Union colleagues; and even, in a rare social democratic moment, by UK PM Gordon Brown. It is also supported by many international development NGOs and by the International Trade Union Confederation.

The Pittsburgh G20 Summit charged the IMF with looking at how the financial sector might contribute to the cost of financial bailouts, and is holding consultations which might yet put an FTT on the Toronto G20 agenda. I’m not holding my breath given that the idea has been ruled out of hand by US Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner (and Finance Minister Flaherty), but the adamant opposition of Wall Street and Bay Street and the City of London to taxation and regulation just doesn’t have the same political purchase it it used to. Certainly progressive economists have an opportunity to push a good proposal forward.

The basic idea of a transactions tax is to raise money by levying a low rate of tax (usually put at 0.05 to 0.5%) on financial sector activities which are seen to be of limited utility or even damaging to the real economy. Keynes called for a tax on equities trading to reduce the froth of short-term speculative behaviour which had noting to do with real investment. Tobin wanted to give greater weight to economic fundamentals and to central banks when it came to the setting of interest rates in the world of opportunity for speculation opened up by floating exchange rates. A low transactions tax, it is argued, has little or no impact upon useful, longer term transactions, but limits noise trading and very short-term “in and out” speculation. Progressive economists who have advocated a FTT (notably Dean Baker of CEPR and Robert Pollin of U Mass Amherst) believe that it would reduce speculation and volatility, without interfering with normal and useful activities including stock and currency trading and even hedging for legitimate purposes. That view has been endorsed by Stiglitz and Krugman.

Until quite recently, many countries did tax some financial transactions. The UK still levies a 0.5% tax or stamp duty on equity trades which raises a useful 0.2% of GDP and does not seem to have strangled the golden goose of the City of London. Most proponents think it is possible to levy low taxes even in the face of tax and regulatory arbitrage. But the case for an international co-ordination of transaction taxes in a world of deregulated and competitive financial markets is clearly very strong.

To my mind, there is a strong case for a globally co-ordinated FTT. But there is also a need for a bit more clarity on goals and designs.

It is unclear to me if an internationally co-ordinated FTT means all countries levying the same taxes at the same rates on the same sets of transactions – or some loose co-ordination of national initiatives. The lion’s share of revenues under the first formula would go the to the US and UK which account for the majority of equity and forex trading.

Under any FTT, as with all sin taxes, there will be a tradeoff in setting the rate between revenue generation and discouraging sinful behaviour. The FTT has come up for discussion for the excellent reason is that it is a good way to raise money – effectively levying bank fees on bankers who deserve to be hit for their past and current excesses and to recoup the cost of bailouts. We are on weaker ground to suggest that a very small tax will have a huge impact on speculation and market volatility. It will probably help, but reigning in financial excesses will also require much more government regulation of financial markets.

There is a need for clarity on what an FTT would cover beyond currency, equity and bond trading. To my mind it would be useful to tax commodities markets as well to help curb some of the wild price gyrations we have seen in, for example, the oil markets. It would be useful to tax derivatives trading as well, but that can only be done if all such trading is done through organized markets rather than “over the counter.”

There is also a need for more clarity on where the money should go. The Economic Policy Institute in the US have called for an FTT to fund a new Obama stimulus program. Others want to pre finance past and (potentially) future bank bail outs. Many NGOs see Tobin taxes and FTTs as a means to fund global poverty reduction and climate change initiatives. It might be useful to mobilize around the goal of spending half of the proceeds domestically, and another half internationally.

Deteriorating Wages for Part-Timers

The Global Labour University are publishing an interesting series of Global Labour Columns. The most recent by Patrick Belser - author of the ILO Global Wage Report - looks at the impact of the Great Recession on wages.

http://column.global-labour-university.org/2010/01/why-we-should-care-about-wages.html

“Focusing on unemployment rates alone understates the true extent of the deterioration of employment and conditions of work in labour markets. Everywhere, the crisis has led to cuts in working time, which has damaged the living standards of workers and their families. In the 27 member states of the European Union, full-time employees work about three-quarters of an hour less every week than they did before the crisis. In the US, weekly working time for production and nonsupervisory workers has fallen by about half an hour. These average changes may seem relatively small because not everyone was affected, however, for those who were hit, the cuts in hours have often been severe. Similar trends have been observed elsewhere and, globally, the number of involuntary part-time workers appears to have increased. The result, in most cases, has been a fall in take-home pay for workers at the end of the month. Figures collected at the ILO for 53 countries show that in 2008 real monthly wages (i.e. wages adjusted for inflation) fell in one quarter of all countries. In most other countries, particularly developing countries, wages continued to grow but at a much slower pace than before the crisis. The situation is likely to have been even worse in 2009, given the quarterly figures already available and the increase in the supply of unemployed people looking for jobs.”

In Canada, there has been a modest but not trivial cut in average working hours - from 35.1 to 34.9 hours between December, 2008 and December, 2009. (Labour Force Survey data, not seasonally adjusted.)  The average hours of part-timers have been especially impacted - down from 17.1 to 16.9 hours over the same period. Hours of full-timers fell slightly from 39.3 to 39.2.

Changes in hours combined with changes in average hourly earnings mean that, between December, 2008 and December, 2009 - average weekly earnings of full-time workers rose by a modest 2.25%, while average weekly earnings of part-timers rose by just 0.9%, likely  slipping slightly below the  inflation rate which was 1% in November.

Over the last year, the part-time rate (seasonally adjusted) rose from 18.6% to 19.0%, driven by a jump from 45.5% to 46.8% among youth, and from 7.0% to 7.9% for men aged 25 and over. (The rate fell for women  aged 25 and over.)

In sum, on top of the jump in unemployment, we have seen not just a shift to part-tie jobs, but also signs of slippage  of real wages for Canadian part-timers.

What Could Conservatives Cut?

Straight Goods contacted me last week for an article about what the federal Conservatives might cut to balance the budget. This concern is understandable given the previous Liberal government’s slash-and-burn approach to deficits. At a minimum, the Conservatives may use the deficit as cover to remove funding from particular programs or organizations that they dislike.

However, the Conservatives do not seem to be setting the stage for large cuts. On the contrary, they are sensibly arguing that fighting the recession takes priority over fighting the deficit. They plan to slowly balance the budget over several years by holding spending increases below the rate of economic growth. This approach entails a gradual erosion of the share of economic resources available for public purposes, but not immediately objectionable cutbacks.

For those of us who believe in public services, a better approach would be to reverse some of the Conservative tax cuts, which Finance Canada estimates will cost $44.4 billion per year in lost revenue by 2013-14. But since the Conservatives ostensibly believe in smaller government, it is worth asking why they are not angling to slash public spending.

A simple review of federal expenditures provides much of the answer. The federal government spends money on three things: transfers to individuals (Old Age Security, Employment Insurance and child benefits), transfers to provincial governments, and federally-delivered services. The Conservatives have pledged not to cut either type of transfer.

The federal budget indicates that major transfer programs account for just over half of federal spending, leaving the remaining half potentially vulnerable to Conservative cuts. However, the Public Accounts demonstrate that many federally-delivered services actually include significant cash transfers to people, businesses and other governments.

In 2008-09, the last complete fiscal year, the federal government spent $108.1 billion on major transfer programs, $30.2 billion on transfers through other programs, and $69.6 billion on federal departments and agencies. If all transfers are untouchable, then only one-third of federal expenditures are eligible for cuts (i.e. $69.6 / $207.9 = 33%).

Out of that third, National Defence was $18.8 billion and Public Safety was $8.9 billion. If anything, the Conservatives would like to spend more in these areas. The Canada Revenue Agency was $7.1 billion and the Treasury Board was $2.2 billion. These entities are presumably indispensable in collecting taxes and managing expenditures. Crown-corporation expenses were $8.1 billion, funding needed to deliver the mail, insure mortgages and generate Crown-corporation revenues.

Excluding these expenditures leaves only $24.5 billion from which the Conservatives could realistically cut. To put that number in perspective, it is less than half of this year’s deficit, about half of the deficit projected for 2010-11, and a few billion below the deficit projected for 2011-12. So even if the Conservatives completely eliminated the federal departments of Agriculture, Environment, Fisheries, Foreign Affairs, Health, Human Resources, Indian Affairs, Industry, Justice, Natural Resources and Public Works, they would still not save enough to balance the budget next year or even the year after that.

Ottawa writes large and important cheques to seniors, unemployed workers, parents, and provincial governments. But as an institution, the federal government is no longer very large, especially if one excludes the military and security forces. There is simply not much room to cut.

Therefore, I tend to believe that the federal government will just try to restrict spending growth and wait for revenues to recover along with the economy. As Carl Sonnen suggested to Straight Goods, the real and imminent threat of cutbacks is from provincial governments.

UPDATE (January 21): With Stockwell Day’s appointment as President of the Treasury Board, Conservative rhetoric appears to be turning away from waiting for economic recovery to balance the budget and toward cutbacks. However, it remains unclear to me what they will cut, if transfers are really sacrosanct.

Productivity and Jobs

There is an interesting piece on productivity in today’s Daily looking at the changing relationship between output change and employment change in recessions, over time and as between Canada and the US. One part of the story is that employers used to hoard labour during recessions, but are now inclined to cut jobs and hours quickly in response to a fall in output.

It notes one interesting feature of the current (recent?) downturn - low and even negative productivity growth have limited the impact of the sharp GDP decline on jobs in Canada, whereas in the US employment has been cut significantly faster than output.

http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/11-010-x/2010001/part-partie3-eng.htm

Why the difference?

“The reasons for the greater reliance of employers in the US on job cuts in 2008-2009 while Canadian employers resorted about equally to changes in the average workweek and employment are not yet clear. Credit flows to firms in the US were more impaired, providing a greater urgency for firms to achieve significant cost savings. As noted earlier, employers initially rely on shorter hours than job cuts in a downturn given the uncertainty about the severity of the recession: the upheaval in the US financial system, which clearly signalled a sharp downturn, meant that there was less uncertainty in that country about the severity of the 2008 recession. Labour laws in the US may make for a lower cost in letting workers go than do the laws in jurisdictions in Canada. And the memory of the difficulty in finding workers in some parts of Canada may have led employers to wait until the severity of the recession was fully revealed (which turned out to be less than widely expected).”

I’m not sure I find this very convincing - Canadian labour laws don’t force employers to keep workers they don’t want; and labour shortages were not a generalized problem before the recession. Credit access and the depth of the US crisis may explain things. EI worksharing may also have made a difference here.

The really interesting question is what happens next.  Given working population growth of 1% and expected output growth of about 2.5%, if productivity growth picks up to  the trend rate of about 1% to 1.2% in 2010, unemployment will fall  only marginally. If productivity growth picks up even quite modestly as hoarded labour is put to use,  unemployment will continue to rise.


Do Economists Have a Country?

We do, but many of us, particularly of  the orthodox persuasion, do our best to hide it in our work. Where we live is “content” but the models we use, we insist, are universal. But that begs the question of where the models, which do not fall from the sky, come from. The answer is that they come from particular places in particular times. Which means they do have a nationality.

But we all know, if we bother to think about it, that most economics comes  from a very small number of countries who happen to run the world. The great economists of  the 19th century into the mid-20th were British. Since then they have been American.

Look at how most Nobelists in economics - more so than in science or medicine and certainly than in literature - are Americans. Is it because they have all the good ideas or  because they get to define what is a good idea?  And if you’re not lucky enough to have been born there, then move there; Robert Mundell was born in Canada but won his Nobel by rarely being here.

There is manifestly a deep symbiosis between economic thought and power, and power lies not with nations in general but with imperial powers in particular. Does this explain why economics today, in contrast to political economy, is so insistently apolitical because we would sooner not face up to who we emulate and serve?

We should not be surprised when we read Marion Fourcade’s  Economists and Societies: Discipline and Profession in the United States, Britain, and France 1890s to 1990s, to learn that in the U.S. there have been close ties between the econonics profession and business schools since the 1920s and that disproportionately American Nobelist are affiliated with a business school.

Business schools need economics because without it, she says, they lack an intellectual core but, it seems to me, economics, already too imbedded with power, needs business schools like a hole in the head.

Fourcade is a sociologist of knowledge at Berkeley with a thorough grasp of economics; her book was published last year by Princeton University Press. It is highly recommended. Someone here with similar credentials should do the Canadian discipline as a case study.

Since World War II, she writes, “economic growthmanship was coupled with different political projects across countries, the most salient of which were the building of industrial power in France, redistribution in England, and militay and economic supremacy in the United States.” 

Canada?  How about “tightening economic integration with the United States”? A neo-colonial  branch-plant-kind-of project. Oh, and add “federalism” which has kept so many of us gainfullyemployed over the years.

Fourcade’s choice of countries is fascinating in their own right and just  happen to be the relevant imperial centres for Canada over the centuries. I’n old enough to have been introduced to econmics at the University of Toronto by Brits, with the advantage, that I hadn’t realized till I read Fourcade, of  having imbibed a touch of Fabianism which has served me well.

Quebec economists have retained links with France. To read Fourcade is to sense that economics in France  has a heterodox flavour that has has its attractions to those of  the progressive persuasion. In the 19th century, in contrast to Britain, French economists “held on to a conception of political economy as a moral science.”  It is in France in 2000 that economics students railthed against “overuse of mathematics, hegemony of  neo-classical theory” in the name of autisme-economie.

Fourcade repeatedly tells us that it is to our U.S. colleagues that we owe the discipline’s obsession with markets, to the point where even the public sector is judged by market-based concepts of efficiency. So totally is the political drained out of what began as political economy that the corporation’s existence can be “explained” as an understandable alternative to the market, as by Coase and Hymer, but then ignored as an institution with market influence, to say nothing of political influnce.

Indeed, the imperfect competition revolution of the 1930s has been, with a little help from game theory and its rivalries, swept under the rug.  Hence the utter rejection of Galbraith, who could see the U.S. military-industrial complex, by American economists, whether Keynesian or Chicago School.

Writing before the present economic crisis cast doubt on what we economists know and do not know, Fourcade tells us that “The imperialism of American economicss is rooted in a deep moral belief  that no-one stands outside of economic rationality…”  But the financial crisis has cast the most serious doubts on the meaning of rationaity even within markets. The new behavioral economics, too new to be noted by Fourcade, with its links to psychology, is a breath of fresh air that is potentially deeply subversive of orthodoxy. But this writer fears that behavioral science, with its individualist bias, is a regression from social science, notwithstanding all of its limitations, and is hard put to believe that there will be a real revolution in economics until the political is put back in through the front door. There is no evidence that is about to happen.

First the party, then the hangover

It’s shocking to think that the 2010 Winter Games are now exactly one month away. Yes, the banners are dropping down the side of downtown buildings; huge tents are being erected anywhere there is open space; advertising from any but the Olympic sponsors has all but disappeared (I hereby challenge any Olympic athlete to eat McDonald’s daily between now and your event).Whether you like them or hate them (personally, I find the lure of Olympic hockey irresistable), it’s gonna be a huge party, and the world is coming.

In fact, the Olympics are so big, so looming, it is difficult to think of anything else. For years preparations have been underway, as planners have made their plans, and new, gorgeous facilities have been built. It is hard to say how much these activities have increased economic activity in BC. Certainly, given the hot economy in recent years with low, low unemployment, there is a case to be made that most Olympics projects have merely crowded out other public and private sector capital investments. Some measure of Olympic Keynesianism could be cited over the past year as smoothing out the harsh impacts of the recession in Vancouver, but unemployment has still shot up to 8.4% in December, and is now about the same as the national average.

As for the Games themselves, the two-week party that is, there is a lot of money being spent on things like security, and a lot of money from higher-than-normal tourism during that period. I’ve seen some economists attribute a 0.5 percentage point increase in GDP due to the Games. But it seems to me that, like the upfront capital investments, there is a lot of displacement going on — most regular business is being put on the backburner, as projects and offices close down due to concerns about traffic and security perimeters.

My real concern, though, is what happens after the Games. BC will be tabling its 2010 budget shortly after the Games are done, and the big danger is that BC experiences a bad Olympian hangover. The rest of the province is in rough shape: resource industries have been hammered by the decline in US markets; while real estate is showing signs of exuberance, there is not much indication that new construction activity that creates jobs is returning to the highs of 2003-2008; tourism may get an Olympic bump, but a high Canadian dollar and weak income growth is keeping a lot of Americans at home. It is hard to imagine what private sector forces might drive a resurgence of economic growth for the remainder of 2010.

So we need the BC government to step up to the plate in its 2010 budget. Last year, BC brought in very little in the way of stimulus spending, preferring to free ride on federal stimulus dollars. This is at least part of the reason why unemployment rates have doubled in the past 12 months. That situation could get a whole lot worse if the provincial government is as neglectful after the Olympics.

There is a, er, golden opportunity, however. Since the 2008 budget that announced the BC carbon tax and a host of other climate actions, we have seen a whole lot of nada on the climate front. In fact, budget restraint in the past year has closed down some of those actions, like the LiveSmartBC program to retrofit homes to be more energy efficient. Anecdotally, this is drying up business for contractors who do retrofits. So now would be a perfect time, after Copenhagen’s disappointment, to get back on the green file, and make some investments that will create jobs and meet our climate objectives.

BC has a legislated target of a one-third reduction in emissions by 2020 (relative to 2007 levels), but currently we do not have a plan that gets us there. Now is the time for that plan. Think transportation. Think household energy efficiency. Think green power. But also think about avoiding double-digit unemployment.

Work and Labour in Canada

CSPI have just published the second edition of my book, Work and Labour in Canada: Critical Issues.

While this is written mainly as a text for university level courses, others may find it useful as a resource on a wide range of labour market issues and trends, including the role of unions.
The book can be ordered from CSPI or from Chapters ($36.26)

http://www.chapters.indigo.ca/books/Work-Labour-Canada-Critical-Issues-Andrew-Jackson/9781551303666-item.html


From the Publisher:

Now in its second edition, and with a new foreword by Wallace Clement, this original and timely book focuses on critical issues surrounding work and labour in Canada. It examines changes in the labour market and in the workplace, with a strong empirical component based upon the most recent Statistics Canada data. An ideal text for Sociology of Work, and a wide range of courses in Labour Studies and Industrial Relations programs across Canada. New to this edition:

All chapters substantially revised and thoroughly updates.

A discussion on the causes of the current economic crisis and its roots in the labour market, including a special appendix.

More emphasis on the fortunes of racialized Canadian-born workers as opposed to recent immigrants.

Brand new chapter on young workers.

Up-to-the-minute newspaper articles on the current global economic crisis.

Added material on occupational health and safety, emphasizing the connection between work and health.

New material on workers’ rights as well as non-standard and precarious work.

From the Foreword by Wallace Clement:

“Work life is fundamental to how we experience life in general. Most of us work to live but many of us also live to work. We gain our quality of life, identities, and much of our sense of meaning from our work lives. And, the link between work life and family life and/or leisure and education is also shaped by the quality of our work lives—our hours of work, its rewards, self-esteem, and social interactions. It is important to have a holistic view of work—that it is embedded in a series of economic, political, social, and cultural forces. Equally important is what we call “work”—whether for pay or not (volunteer, domestic work, etc.)—and recognize that the essential reproduction of citizens through care work is to be valued. How we understand work in terms of how we frame it as a value for individuals and societies matters. Work does not just happen. It is created, conditioned, and destroyed by the political economy in which it is embedded.

For these reasons, it is important to acknowledge the contribution of Andrew Jackson’s Work and Labour in Canada. It is a book designed to inform and educate its readers. Clearly, he has done a great deal of thinking about the right questions to ask and how to frame our understanding. He offers fresh ways to think about changing times by locating his analysis of Canada in a comparative context. At the base of his analysis is his penetration of struggles over whose views and/or interests prevail in the construction of work, such as his detailed account of conflicts over the implications of the debate about social spending versus tax cuts.”

Tackling economists

This month, I strangely find myself of the cover of BC Business magazine, along with four other economists (online version here). All but one academic are policy-oriented economists who comment regularly on the BC economic scene. The tag line for the cover goes like this:

The Economists: They were supposed to predict the Great Recession but didn’t. Some even say they caused it. But whatever your take on the dismal science and those who practice it, one thing is for certain: the economist’s time is now.

What’s strange about the cover is that I never even spoke to the journalist writing the story. I got sent a short list of questions, knocked off my response back in October, then a few weeks later was invited to a photo shoot, where I learned it was for the cover. I protested that they might not sell many issues with us five on the cover but so it goes …

For my own predictive abilities, I gave myself a B+ for seeing the recession coming, though not the nosedive and subsequent recovery of financial markets over the past year. If anything I was on this theme early on (going back to this post), but was more concerned about the bubble dynamics themselves than what later came out to be deep linkages to the financial sector via asset-backed commercial paper and subprime mortgages. I find it surprising that others were so oblivious to the dynamics in the housing sector. It was not so much my own bearishness, though – I was just reading a lot of economic analyses that seemed spot on in calling the recession.

My only regret in the responses I made was to give a nod to Paul Krugman for his great analyses of the financial crisis, health care and climate change. A pretty safe choice for a business magazine, I suppose, and I like to read Krugman’s weekly missives. But I wish I had cited Jame Galbraith instead. On this very theme, I read on the weekend a great article by Jamie where he pokes Krugman’s September 2009 article in the New York Times magazine, How did the economists get it so wrong?, not so much for his critique of mainstream academic economics, but for not speaking about any of the economists who did see the crisis coming. Galbraith goes on to highlight some of these thinkers.

Global Imbalances

This IMF staff paper - the lead author is the chief economist, Olivier Blanchard -is well worth reading.  Makes a rather urgent call for expansion of internal consumption demand in China and currency realignments if  we are to work our way out of the crisis.

http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/spn/2009/spn0929.pdf

Job-Creation Needed

Both employment and unemployment edged down between November and December, reflecting a smaller total labour force. This news raises concern that some jobless workers are leaving the labour force altogether. However, the labour-force decrease was only 9,000, far smaller than the previous monthly increase.

Overall employment changed so little because private-sector payrolls stabilized. While stability is welcome after the recent plunge in private-sector employment, it does not create job opportunities for the 1.6 million Canadians who are officially unemployed.

Notable monthly changes occurred in the two smaller categories of employment. Self-employment rose by 15,000 while the number of public-sector employees fell by 22,000 in December.

Both developments continue larger trends. Since October 2008, self-employment is up by 87,000 and the number of government workers is down by 23,000. Given widespread layoffs and much higher unemployment, one suspects that the ongoing surge in self-employment is mostly involuntary. Workers are struggling to generate income through self-employment since jobs are unavailable.

The drop in public-sector payrolls is striking given that the federal government and some provincial governments have increased expenditures to combat the recession. While the stimulus was largely focused on creating private-sector jobs (e.g. hiring construction workers to repair infrastructure), one might have expected more public programs to support somewhat more public-sector jobs. A possibility is that municipal governments and other public institutions are cutting costs by reducing staff.

With some signs of output beginning to recover but employment still flat, governments should be contemplating job-creation programs in preparing their upcoming budgets. One obvious starting point would be to stem the loss of jobs in the public sector itself.

UPDATE (January 9): Quoted by The Toronto Star

Kevin Page Gives A Lesson on Transparency

The more I read about the Parliamentary Budget Officer Kevin Page, the more respect I have for him. He has proven to be an excellent choice for his position, much to the dismay of the Conservative government who created his job in the first place, back in the days when open government was on the agenda.

Apparently, Mr. Page has decided to release three big reports before the Budget gets tabled in March, despite the fact that Parliament has been prorogued. In a recent Globe article, Bill Curry explains:

The fact that Mr. Page is able to release such reports is due to the unique structure of his office. The Parliamentary Budget Office operates as a division of the Library of Parliament. Mr. Page has expressed concern about this arrangement, arguing that he should be an independent Officer of Parliament. There are currently eight such officers – including the Auditor-General, the Privacy Commissioner and the Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner.

However, these officers must table their reports in Parliament before commenting on them. Since Parliament does not sit during a prorogation, they are effectively silenced. Mr. Page, on the other hand, can simply post his reports online.

Through a quirk in the rules, Mr. Page is able to put the notions of transparency and accountability in practice. Something he’s already done on a number of occasions, earning himself the reputation among journalists for having “a strong independent streak.”

While I don’t necessarily agree with Mr. Page’s analysis of the current deficit being structural in nature, one thing Mr. Page has certainly got right is that recent large tax cuts are coming to haunt us.

Mr. Page says that government has yet to come to grips with the revenue loss created by these [GST reduction from 7% to 5%] and other tax cuts, leaving a future gap that has so far not been addressed.

These and the effects of population aging on government revenues will be discussed in his next report, which is expected “as early as next week” according to the Globe article. I know I’m looking forward to reading it.